In total, 81 interviews were conducted between 18 June and 30 November 2020. In phase one, 48 interviews were held with primary care professionals, — namely, 25 GPs, 15 practice nurses (PNs), seven healthcare assistants (HCAs), and one clinical pharmacist. In phase two, interviews were held with 16 administrative staff (11 practice managers and five receptionists/other). Participant characteristics are outlined in Table 2 (mean age 45 years; 84.4% female; and a range of ethnicities).
During phase three, 17 interviews were conducted with migrants: 15 (88.2%) with asylum seekers, and two with refugees (64.7% female; mean age 38 years [range: 22–59 years]; mean time in the UK 4 years [range: 9 months–9 years]). Participants originated from 14 countries across five World Health Organization regions (Table 3).
Impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on migrants’ access to primary care
There was marked convergence on themes between participants; they reported multiple pandemic-related impacts, risk factors for contracting SARS-CoV-2, and issues regarding the COVID-19 vaccine roll- out, as well as a range of opportunities to improve access to primary care.
Digitalisation
Primary care professionals described a shift to digitalisation of registration, appointments, and the giving of health information and prescriptions by text; they largely agreed that this was ‘here to stay’. Although some primary care professionals disagreed, many were concerned that a lack of technology, along with challenges in using it, are barriers to access:
‘One of the things that’s being pushed forward is remote consulting through eConsult, for example … If you build more roads, you increase the traffic. So you’re not actually dealing with the demand in people who actually need the care. And a lot of migrant populations are absolutely fine with technology. But, again, the outreach of that technology, or how to access it, isn’t known to them. And I feel the technology thing [inequality of access] in the pandemic is going to widen.’
(GP8)
Some primary care professionals reported reduced migrant registrations or attendances compared to pre-pandemic, which were speculated to arise either due to the challenges migrants experienced with digitalisation or due to increased fear of COVID-19 and a preference for home remedies:
‘Migrant patients did not want to come in. They tended to stay in the household … maybe they feel that at home, they’re safe … they do home remedies.’
(HCA6)
Others perceived that digitalisation had increased access for patients who were young, fit, and non-migrants, while exacerbating the exclusion of marginalised patients:
‘Because they are easily put off … You know it’s perfectly fine for me as a young, white, middleclass woman from here. I’ll call my GP and make a fuss till I’m seen. [But for migrant patients] there’s a barrier on the phone and the barrier of expectation ... they are easier to ignore and it’s quite an issue with the technology, so that’s another marginalisation inequity [for migrant patients]. ’
(GP24)
Digitalisation affected many migrants; responders cited a lack of ownership of technology or not knowing how to use it, or being unable to afford to maintain it:
‘They ask you to go onto the website, fill out the form, sign it, scan it, and then send it back to them, so they can register you. I mean, I don’t have a scanner, I don’t have printers, then how can I kind of download it, scan? Or, if I can do it online, like an electronic signature, most people don’t know how to apply that. You need a computer. You can’t do that on your phone. So, those forms, for example, are not accessible at all for many people.’
(Migrant 9)
Other primary care professionals, particularly practice managers, reported that technology has presented actual and potential solutions for migrant groups, such as translating texts into the patient’s language, targeted digital communications to encourage access, group video consultations, and YouTube videos to deliver health advice:
‘I’ve been texting in Turkish. I answer all my Turkish patients and I just know enough Turkish to check I’m not saying complete gobbledegook with Google Translate.’
(GP16)
‘We do an awful lot of stuff by text as we find that works really well and across language barriers … Migrant people really locked onto [YouTube] because you can see. It just works.’
(Administration team member 8)
‘We sent out some text messages, just saying, “we’re here, we are open, please come and see us … ”. One of our receptionists is making phone calls to where we had very vulnerable migrant families. We also made some COVID leaflets out as well, that was in Somali language and different languages.’
(HCA6)
Social and economic factors
Concerns were cited by both primary care professionals and migrants that migrants risked pandemic-related financial insecurity, and may have faced increased exposure to SARS-CoV-2 due to front-facing jobs:
‘Because of COVID, there’s going to be a lot more job insecurity for these people, which is going to have more of an impact on their health care anyway. So I think we’re going to see a lot of problems in terms of poverty and food banks and people who’ve got no recourse to public funds.’
(PN13)
Migrants often expressed that financial concerns, social exclusion, and poor living conditions resulting from the pandemic had a substantial negative impact on mental health:
‘It’s [the pandemic and lockdown] just making the situation for people worse, in a way, because people will start having suicidal thoughts, starting to think about the country that you came here from, there’s war, there’s poverty.’
(Migrant 14)
However, some primary care professionals reported increased support for access for marginalised groups during the pandemic:
‘I think migrants are more likely to be destitute, and we give out food bank vouchers and free-food lists, but a lot of our work ... Certainly not so much during COVID because of the policy of putting people in hotels [including provision of regular meals] etc ... Much of my work before COVID was trying to get people somewhere to live and get them funds and food, and I think that’s a huge part of work with ... not just migrants in that situation, but more likely to be migrants.’
(GP7)
Migrant participants highlighted being moved into cramped hotel or hostel accommodation, and raised concerns around additional costs resulting from the pandemic — for example, due to needing to buy soap and masks when they are on very low budgets:
‘We live on £5, £6 daily so, on top of this, you have to buy soap and you have to buy disinfectant, you have to buy a mask — it adds a lot of pressure on your budget.’
(Migrant 17)
They also reported a loss of access to support networks and community organisations during the pandemic, services that previously helped them to access health care and navigate the healthcare system:
‘Before the pandemic, you know, people who are British volunteers used to help us, speak to the refugees to apply for [help with healthcare costs] . But now everything is closed.’
(Migrant 5)
Clinical primary care professionals were concerned about the increased risk factors in migrants making them vulnerable to contracting, and suffering serious illness from, COVID-19:
‘The [migrant] population is a very high-risk population, because of obesity and diabetes, ethnicity and other comorbidities … we have seen a lot of people dying.’
(GP22)
Language barriers
Language barriers were repeatedly reported by migrants and primary care professionals alike, and were perceived to have increased due to digitalisation (for example, closed surgeries necessitated a reliance on virtual consultations, and online forms being in English only):
‘I think a face-to-face consultation between a recently arrived migrant, particularly the language barrier, is really, really difficult. And I think the phone conversations that I’ve had [because of the pandemic] have been significantly more so, to the point that, if there’s going to be a language barrier, and I think it’s a complex problem, I’ll just book people in for a face-to-face [consultation] .‘
(GP15)
Some migrants reported that lockdowns had reduced access to friends who had previously translated for them, and had had a negative impact on their ability to understand health information, appointment letters, and messaging around COVID-19:
‘None of them speaks English so they were not aware about the restriction and what is the rules. So I advised them: wearing face masks, washing their hands … if I don’t speak English and I get a letter, I could travel to go seek help from my friends [who could] translate for me. But what if I don’t speak English and there is a lockdown where I cannot go out? ’
(Migrant 4)
Some GPs expressed a lack of knowledge or desire to engage with virtual consultations involving an interpreter, while several GPs and PNs highlighted concerns about confidentiality and their ability to detect cues and safeguarding concerns virtually:
‘I think if there are language barriers, then absolutely [telephone consultations cause challenges for migrants] … I imagine that must be quite challenging because you’ve got to sort out how to do that [interpreted consultation] three-way.’
(GP3)
‘I mean confidentiality is another issue in terms of people’s living situation and overcrowding, and maybe they’re sharing computers or obviously rooms and phone calls. We don’t know who’s in the background when we ring people … there are quite a lot of safeguarding issues.‘
(GP18)
However, some primary care professionals reported an improved ability to organise language support, and improved access through digital consultations:
‘The e-consultation method has, surprisingly, shown how the migrant contacts with the surgery have actually increased, compared to pre-COVID … And increased the reach towards patients who might have language barriers, because they have the ability now to take their time — maybe use a translator when they’re writing, and write down their concerns.’
(GP1)
Trust, authority, and information
Both migrants and clinical primary care professionals, particularly HCAs, commented on a lack of information targeted at migrants about access to health care, public-health messages about COVID- 19, and the COVID-19 vaccine itself:
‘I think the biggest problem [for COVID-19 vaccine uptake] is going to be language and culture … It’s been very blustery from politicians. If English wasn’t your [first] language and you watched a press conference, it’s quite hard to work out what is going on actually. And then the public-health messaging: again, it’s not always been very simplistic. It has been changing. It’s only because organisations like Doctors of the World [providing translated resources] … The big issue, basically, is language getting out there to people who need it. The people that need it, it probably won’t get to them because they’re not interacting with their health necessarily in the way that the healthcare system was built to do, if that makes sense. The healthcare system is mainly built for fairly tech-literate, Englishliterate people. And they’re not always using the same channels.’
(GP8)
Migrants reported not understanding health-service changes, considerable misinformation circulating among migrant communities about COVID-19, and the COVID-19 vaccine:
‘Some of the people, culturally, they don’t believe that such a virus exists. They think that it’s 5G or something else. They rely on other news, so, that’s why, in order to change their minds and kind of make them believe, there should be an effective system of information.’
(Migrant 6)
‘And we had several issues which were urgent — for example, my husband, he couldn’t move, he had a pain in his back. But we felt we can’t go to the GP because of this COVID. I worried. I thought, what if it’s very, very urgent, what do we do? Even now, I don’t know. If something’s urgent, is the emergency department working at the moment?’
(Migrant 15)
Both migrants and primary care professionals stated that some migrant patients have low levels of health literacy and do not believe in, or trust, science, the UK health system, or government, and tend to seek religious or peer input into decision making:
‘ [Social-media groups] were spreading a lot of information like “don’t go outside tonight because the government will be spreading the powder that will stop COVID”. And the funny thing is people believe it because somebody sent them [the information] … Like I see in the Russian-speaking group on Facebook so much confusion, so much misunderstanding of the system … I think this is where people make decisions. They will not trust a GP. Even after 16 years in the country.’
(Migrant 8)
‘I think they follow advice, and healthcare advice, not necessarily from doctors but from, let’s say, elders within their family society, local community places of worship.’
(GP1)
These alternative sources of information, and lack of trust in UK-based authorities, were considered to have created particular confusion and mistrust among migrant communities during the pandemic. Several migrants and clinicians stated that trust of a specific practice or individual is essential, but harder to build in the absence of face-to-face interactions:
‘I find that if you do spend a bit more time with people right at the beginning … that then makes future consultations much more straightforward. Because you’ve done the relationship-building bit of that, and I think that’s much harder to do via telephone.’
(GP22)
Several HCAs and PNs commented on the possible politicisation of doctors and were concerned around the link between health care and immigration status, particularly with regards to undocumented migrants and charging for care:
‘People are wondering if you’re wanting to shop them in to the immigration police, or whether you think they haven’t been here long enough to qualify for NHS care ... that was a big barrier for some of our most vulnerable undocumented migrant patients in seeking care here because they were sure, and quite correctly, that their whereabouts are being shopped to the immigration authorities.’
(GP16)
Indirect discrimination
Several migrants suggested that pandemic-related changes in primary care have utilised a ‘one-sizefits-all’ approach, but flexibility is essential to ensure equitable access. Practices’ approaches to digitalisation often failed to consider the needs of marginalised groups, and took a rigid approach to not seeing patients face-to-face, even if communication challenges would significantly affect consultation quality:
‘They should not use just one way of contact which is like via the phone … please find some way to help. Rather than just putting the blame on that patient … Not everybody has the same opportunity or access.’
(Migrant 4)
‘I think that would be better if they would have a little bit GPs open so we could talk with them, because normal GPs have access to the interpreters. But it was completely shut down [during the pandemic] which is also a terrible thing to do.’
(Migrant 1)
Both migrants and primary care professionals recognised that the physical closure of surgeries during the pandemic led to indirect discrimination because migrants had lost practical support from receptionists, and may no longer receive signposting, screening services, and new-patient health checks:
‘So, although our registration seems easy, in COVID I expect it’s really difficult for people, because they can’t just walk in and get forms and do it in the waiting room. At least our receptionists speak a mixture of languages. They could help people fill in the forms.’
(GP18)
Risk factors for COVID-19 and concerns about COVID-19 vaccination roll-out
Primary care professionals and migrants alike reported concerns that preexisting distrust of vaccinations and the NHS, alongside low health literacy and widespread misinformation, were likely to negatively affect uptake of a COVID-19 vaccine in some migrants:
‘We’re going to have major issues, because I think there’s, as I said before, there’s a huge distrust around the government.’
(HCA6)
‘Especially with the migrant patients, they’re not very accepting of other vaccinations ... it would be very hard ... The ones that probably are coming ... they have a flu, I think we might be able to convince them.’
(PN3)
A number of migrants reported accessing contradictory information from different information sources, confusion, or indecision about whether to have the COVID-19 vaccine. A variety of information sources were described to support decision making, including advice from peers, social media, religious leaders, or information from country of origin:
‘Or the country that you have left, you are still very closely linked to and therefore in that country they may have very strong views about things. You might still be swayed by those views rather than what’s in the mainstream of the countries that you’ve moved to. I see that as a problem.’
(PN2)
‘Actually the social media only, it was help for us [in deciding about the vaccine] , I was supported, yes, and everything, especially some of our community, [home country] community, in the UK, and they shared the information, which area is locked down ... ’
(Migrant 11)
‘Our church leaders, they’re all saying to us not to be vaccinated. And, to be honest, I have no right correct answer, I’m confused. I’m not 100% sure that this is actually connected with demonic people who are trying, how can I say, to put their power on people.‘
(Migrant 15)
A range of specific beliefs around COVID-19 were reported, and it was perceived that these might contribute to reduced vaccine uptake in some migrant groups. These included the idea that COVID-19 is a hoax, a ‘European infection’ (PN13) or condition that is less likely to affect BAME groups, and a reliance on home remedies to protect against the effects of COVID-19:
‘Some of the people, culturally, they don’t believe that such a virus exists. They think that it’s 5G or something else.’
(Migrant 9)
‘In a lot of ethnic countries, COVID hasn’t had the same impact as it has especially within Western Europe and America, and I think it’s being seen as very much a European infection. It doesn’t impact on BAME communities as much as they say ... There’s racial connotations to it as well, but any vaccine that they bought will be similar to the AIDS infection in Africa and people bringing infections to new countries.’
(PN13)
‘Most of the African-descended origin genes are resistant to the COVID. I don’t know if you’ve heard about that. Or maybe just something that they are talking about on YouTube.’
(Migrant 5)
‘You just give one teaspoon honey with seven flaxseeds every morning just give them, just to protect from viral.‘
(Migrant 3)
A range of beliefs were also reported about the COVID-19 vaccines, ranging from general concerns that the vaccine will not work, will not be safe, or could result in contracting COVID-19, through to concerns about a conspiracy relating to the vaccine, and its ability to control or microchip people:
‘They fear catching the vaccine and they would fear that it is a mass immunisation programme, that there could be lots of people around.’
(PN11)
‘There is fears about vaccine safety, people are scared of it, is it safe? Isn’t it safe?’
(Migrant 14)
‘He said, a doctor? So glad, you can tell me. Is it true, the vaccine for this virus, that it’s going to be microchip in it and track me around?’
(GP16)
A number of migrants also reported concerns about discrimination or unequal approaches to research and vaccine distribution across ethnic groups. These included beliefs that their communities would not be represented in clinical trials, and concerns that they would be used as guinea pigs or the last community to receive it:
‘The main problem is that we not having the same community participating too much in the trials.’
(Migrant 5)
‘If I go there [for a vaccine] they might be using me as a guinea pig or I don’t know. They might be using me for their own things. I don’t trust them.’
(Migrant 9)
‘We have that feeling we’d be the last to have the vaccination. Yes, we have that’
(Migrant 16)
Opportunities and solutions to inform the public-health response
Primary care professionals reported innovative solutions that could strengthen engagement with marginalised groups such as migrants, and have even led to new ideas to inform service delivery beyond the pandemic. These are outlined in Table 4 and included targeted, translated health advice and new community outreach approaches to faith and community leaders to access their communication networks and tackle misinformation.
Table 4. Key barriers and identified solutions
New specialist services were mentioned, including specifically funded services across multiple practices to coordinate interpreting and volunteer services. There was consensus that clear, concise, and language-specific written and non-written resources needed to be developed — ideally by central bodies such as the UK Government or Public Health England — for local distribution to facilitate COVID-19 vaccine uptake in migrant groups. Participants noted that clinical commissioning groups, GP practices, and pharmacies must proactively reach out to migrant communities and their institutions to codesign solutions:
‘There could be some great accuRx [text-messaging] templates for new migrant patients … “Have you recently arrived in the UK? Would you like to get some health screening? ”’
(GP16)
‘Who are the faith leaders of those communities, who runs them, and how are they communicating at the moment? For example, if you look at people who are Muslim, they’re not going to pray together … the information they’re getting must be coming from their faith leaders. They must be having the call to prayer; there must be a communication network to do that.’
(GP8)
‘And I don’t mean just written information [about the COVID-19 vaccines] , there needs to be more than that because, obviously, a lot of these people don’t actually read the language that they speak. So, it has to be more sort of interpreted and contextualised through that to sort of, perhaps, work with the population, maybe with the religious leaders and so on to get people involved.’
(GP11)