Caring for care: Online feedback in the context of public healthcare services
Introduction
Over the past decade, the number of people who go online to rate, review and provide feedback about their healthcare experiences has been slowly and steadily growing (Gao et al., 2012; Greaves and Millett, 2012; Van Velthoven et al., 2018). This trend has been met with considerable concern from healthcare professionals, with fears expressed about accuracy and representativeness, as well as implications for care relations and professional (in particular medical) autonomy (McCartney, 2009; Patel et al., 2015; Samora et al., 2016; Menon, 2017; Atherton et al., 2019). At the same time, online feedback promises to enhance patient power, choice and control, encourage greater transparency and accountability, and contribute to healthcare service improvement in a cost effective manner (Greaves et al., 2012; van de Belt et al., 2015; Browne and Shaller, 2018).
Survey research indicates that 42 % of UK internet users (n = 1824) have read some form of healthcare-related feedback online, while only 8 % have provided feedback about their own experiences (Van Velthoven et al., 2018). This pattern is consistent with health-related social media use, where the number of people reading about healthcare experiences far outstrips those providing it (Mierlo, 2014). Thus, the feedback practices of a relatively small group has the potential to affect a much wider pool of patients, their family members and healthcare professionals.
A key concern expressed by healthcare professionals, especially doctors, is that online feedback is produced by an unrepresentative minority expressing extreme views and, as such, is of limited value for healthcare improvement (Atherton et al., 2019; Patel et al., 2015). However, rather than being dominated by disgruntled service users and complaints, much online healthcare-related feedback is positive (Kadry et al., 2011; Lagu et al., 2013; Emmert et al., 2014, 2015; Greaves et al., 2012; Menon, 2017; Liu et al., 2018; Powell et al., 2019). This tendency has remained consistent over time, across national healthcare systems, different medical specialists and feedback platforms (Boylan et al., 2019).
Despite their central importance to the online feedback landscape, little is known about how those providing feedback in different healthcare contexts understand their own practices (Boylan et al., 2019). Drawing on 37 qualitative interviews with people who read (n = 37) and/or wrote (n = 32) online feedback about their own or a family member's experiences of the National Health Service (NHS) in England (n = 34) and Scotland (n = 3), this paper analyses experiences of and motivations for providing online feedback. It focuses on how people who posted online feedback across different platforms in the UK understood the relationship between online feedback and care improvement.
The paper foregrounds four aspects of the relationship between online feedback and care improvement as articulated by interviewees. One, understandings of how online feedback might improve healthcare were premised on pre-existing embodied, emotive and, at times ambivalent, relationships with the NHS. Two, healthcare professionals and services were positioned as both subjects and beneficiaries of online feedback. Three, a major motivation for providing feedback was to improve care for other patients and their families, with whom interviewees felt a strong identification and communality. Fourth, interviewees wanted online feedback to, ideally, take the form of a two-way ‘conversation’ between service users and healthcare providers. Across all four, the public and anonymous nature of online feedback were foregrounded as crucial facilitators of care improvement.
In what follows, we put these findings in dialogue with Science and Technology Studies (STS) work on the ethics of care. Through our analysis we suggest online feedback be understood as a way healthcare service users (patients and their family members) enact care for other patients and their families, but also, significantly, for healthcare practitioners and services – what we conceptualise as ‘caring for care’. A key way interviewees hoped online feedback could facilitate this particular form of care is through publicly available (often anonymous) digitally mediated feedback ‘conversations’.
Most extant research and health policy has framed online feedback in terms of patient ‘choice’ or ‘voice’, or a conjoining of the two with capturing the patient ‘voice’ seen as a means of enhancing ‘choice’ (Adams, 2010; Powell et al., 2019). We argue that even when modelled on systems used by commercial enterprises, online healthcare feedback cannot be conceptualised as consumerist behaviour aimed at reinforcing patient choice; nor as a means of democratising the technocratic instrument of quality control through harnessing the patient's voice. Instead, we propose ‘care’ and ‘conversation’ as alternative framings for understanding online feedback practices in the context of public healthcare systems. This dual conceptualization foregrounds the mutuality of care relations and highlights the affective labour of feedback practices. Furthermore, it draws attention to two ways online feedback can improve care: first, through prompting tangible changes to healthcare services – online feedback for healthcare improvement; second, as a form of care improvement in its own right – feedback as healthcare improvement.
Much academic literature on online healthcare-related feedback has come from the US and Germany, but there is a growing body of work in different healthcare systems, including free at point of use systems like the NHS in the UK (Boylan et al., 2019). The link between feedback and patient-consumer choice is, unsurprisingly, a common theme in studies from countries with private healthcare systems, like the US, and in relation to elective procedures such as plastic surgery (Hanauer et al., 2014; Menon, 2017; Yaraghi et al., 2018). However, health policy in the UK (especially England) similarly positions online feedback (and digital technologies more generally) as both a key facilitator of patient choice and a tool for care improvement through harnessing the patient voice (Department of Health, 2012; Department of Health and Social Care, 2016, 2015).
The blurring of ‘choice’ and ‘voice’ in this manner is not limited to online feedback (Adams, 2010). It is characteristic of a wider healthcare landscape where discourses around the democratisation of healthcare and patient empowerment overlap with and mutually reinforce an emphasis on health consumerism and patient choice (Greener, 2008). Thus, the subject (usually but not exclusively the patient) addressed in public health discourse emerges simultaneously as ‘consumer’ and ‘citizen’, despite the different logics and styles represented by these archetypes (Mol, 2008).
Associating online feedback straightforwardly with the articulation of an emancipatory patient ‘voice’ is problematic for a number of reasons. The dramatic growth of people sharing health experiences (including feedback) online can play a role in patient empowerment. But, digital media is not a neutral conduit. It influences the forms health activism takes, contributing to an increased alignment with mainstream biomedicine and commercial enterprises (Petersen et al., 2019). Furthermore, concerns have been raised about the commodification of health experiences, the lack of transparency around surveillance, privacy and data ownership, and the potentially coercive and disciplinary effects of digital health technologies based on individualised notions of self-care (Lupton, 2012, 2014; Millington, 2014; Schüll, 2016; Petrakaki et al., 2021).
Framing online feedback as primarily a facilitator of patient ‘choice’ is similarly problematic. While ‘choice’ is widely endorsed as a value in healthcare, people's ability to enact healthcare choices is constrained and context dependent (Coulter, 2010; Powell and Boden, 2012; Fotaki, 2014). Type of healthcare service, the state of one's health, socio-economic status, education level, the attitude of medical professionals, geographic location and practical considerations such as transportation and family responsibilities, all influence one's ability to choose healthcare services and professionals (Damiani et al., 2005; Dent, 2006; Fotaki, 2013; Greener, 2003). A number of scholars have furthermore questioned the validity of foregrounding choice at the expense of other values in healthcare, such as ‘trust’ (Fotaki, 2014) and ‘care’ (Mol, 2008) – a critique we build on in relation to online feedback specifically.
In this paper we move beyond an emphasis on ‘choice’ and ‘voice’ in the context of online feedback, proposing ‘care’ and ‘conversation’ as alternative framings. Our approach is informed by STS scholarship that has interrogated the relationship between care and technology in contemporary healthcare (Mol, 2008; Mol et al., 2010; Roberts et al., 2012; Pols, 2015). This work foregrounds care as a set of sensibilities and a mode of engagement with phenomena rather than an a priori theoretical framework (Mol et al., 2010). It approaches its subject(s) as intrinsically relational, attending to the embodied experiences, emotions, tensions and moral commitments within care practices. In a departure from a more traditional feminist ethics of care, it treats technology as part of, rather than opposed to, care relations (Mol et al., 2010; Pols, 2015). A key contribution has been to draw attention to the different, often overlooked or invisible, forms of labour implicated in digitally mediated healthcare (Oudshoorn, 2011; Roberts et al., 2012). This includes research which proposes the moderation of online feedback be thought of as care work (Ziewitz, 2017; Petrakaki et al., 2021). We bring the aforementioned sensibilities and insights to bear on practices of providing online feedback, putting our empirical findings in dialogue with social scientific literature on technologically mediated care practices and online feedback specifically.
Section snippets
The online healthcare feedback landscape in the UK
‘Online patient feedback’ is used as a catchall term to describe a variety of practices and technologies, each with its own associated norms and expectations (Dudhwala et al., 2017). In the UK, patient and other relevant service users' experiences are collected and ideally used to improve care through numerous mechanisms: from surveys and questionnaires to the collection of ‘real time’ feedback in hospitals and online platforms that allow unsolicited feedback (Marsh et al., 2019). Furthermore,
Methods
The research presented here formed part of the Improving NHS quality using internet ratings and experience (INQUIRE) project funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Health Services and Delivery Programme (14/04/48).
The paper is based on 37 semi-structured qualitative interviews with people who used online platforms to read and/or write feedback about healthcare experiences. We recruited interviewees in a number of ways. Information about the study was posted on the project
Caring for care: online feedback as public conversation
[ …] there's lots of reasons why I do it [provide online feedback]. It's not just one. […] in the situation that I described at the start, that was first and foremost to try and get a bloody answer out of them [healthcare service provider] about what was going to happen next but, underlying all of this, was sharing it with other people, letting other people know that they're not alone and, hopefully, leading to change. But there's been other times where my post has been purely to highlight good
Conclusions
Although grounded in their own experiences and as such necessarily personal, the people we interviewed provided online feedback in the hope it would improve care for other patients, healthcare providers and the NHS more generally. However, the association between feedback and care improvement took two analytically different, if intertwined, forms. First, people provided online feedback in the hope it would inform healthcare services and result in tangible changes to them. Here, feedback served
Credit author statement
Fadhila Mazanderani: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal Analysis, Writing (original draft), Writing (review and editing), Susan Kirkpatrick: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation, Formal Analysis, Writing (review and editing), Project Administration. Sue Ziebland: Conceptualization, Methodology, Writing (review and editing), Supervision, Funding Acquisition. Louise Locock: Conceptualization, Methodology, Writing (review and editing). John Powell: Conceptualization, Methodology,
Acknowledgement
The authors would like to thank all the research participants, without whom this work would not have been possible. They would also like to thank James Munro for his support and insights, and the entire INQUIRE team. This paper summarises independent research funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) under its Health Services and Delivery Research Programme (Grant Reference Number 14/04/48). JP also receives funding from the NIHR Collaboration for Leadership in Applied Health
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